Court Rejects Jewish Land-Ownership in Seam-Zone


he shall restore that which he took violently away—Leviticus 6:4



One of the few things I like about Zionists is their unmatched capability to shoot their own foot from any angle and distance, regardless the weapon used. While describing the 1967 War in his memoirs, Moshe Dayan explains how after the conquest of Qalqilya, its denizens were evicted and most buildings were razed for the sake of what he openly called a “punishment” designed to chase the inhabitants away. In other words, Moshe Dayan admitted to be a war criminal, having violated the rights of an occupied population and basic principles of law.* He couldn’t decide on such a punishment; moreover, no punishment could be imposed because no crime had been proven. West regimes being above the law, neither he nor any other Israeli were brought to the International Court of Justice, unlike war criminals who were not part of the violent societies mockingly known as “Western Democracies.” Getting the hint, many years after Dayan’s death, the hollow Zionist heart keeps punishing Qalqilya.
Moshe Dayan’s Hollow Heart Hollow Land: Israel’s Architecture of Occupation
                                                              Alfei Menashe Jewish Settlement within the Qalqilya Governorate of Palestine

                                                                                              IDF Roadblocks Foreign Devils on the Silk Road

In 2013, the town of Qalqilya has over 40,000 inhabitants and is the center of one of Palestine’s governorates, a political subdivision inherited from the days of the British Mandate. Located near Israel’s narrowest point it has strategic value. Thus, it has been a main target of the Jewish settlement in the West Bank. In an attempt to differentiate it from the West Bank, this area is known as “Seam Zone.” Instead of buying land and houses in it, Israel is strangling it (The Stranglers: Zionist Strategies of Conquest). The attached maps show how the town is almost completely surrounded by a wall and by IDF roadblocks. Israel is creating its own version of concentration camps.
Occupying roughly the same area as the town, Alfei Menashe is home to less than 8,000 Jewish settlers. In another superb example of Zionist obliviousness to irony, the name means “Thousands of (the tribe of) Manasseh.” The aerial photograph below shows its typical American-suburb look. Israel is bringing foreigners to settle in the West Bank, thus it provides them with something resembling their former homes. Neither Palestinian nor Israeli t towns look like West Bank settlements.
A heavily English-accented Hebrew characterizes the voices heard in most of these settlements, but here and there one can find expat colonies from France and other places. Most settlers discover the sad truth only after they reach their prison, a mock-home surrounded with barbed-wire. Their situation is so clearly wrong that even Israeli courts have problems accepting their actions.

Alfei Menashe aerial photograph

Tel Aviv District Court Strikes
On April 2, 2013, the Tel Aviv District Court, ordered Alfei Menashe to give back 100 dunam of land to Palestinians living in Qalqilya, after it has been proven that the documents on the sale were fake. This was not an isolated event, their general mechanics were described in Robbing East Jerusalem; they include cooperation from the police and local authorities. In this specific case, the land belonged to Palestinian families that run away from the IDF in 1967. As such, according to international law they are supposed to be kept by the IDF Civil Administration until the families return. Instead, they participated in the archetypal strawman trick. In 2001, a company named GRA, owned by Rachel Rahat bought the lands from a Palestinian for $150,000; his name is being protected by the Court.
The Civil Administration changed the ownership of the land. In 2006, GRA sold the land to Harei Bracha, a construction company owned by Joel Amrani and Abraham Nisnian; it specializes in neighborhoods for Ultra-Orthodox Jews. This was when the family owning the land discovered the theft and filled a lawsuit at the Tel Aviv District Court. The first company involved, GRA, refused to comment in Court, the second one claimed it was innocent since GRA was the lawful owner according to the IDF. Judge Joshua Gaifman gave the land back to its Palestinian owners.

                                                      Separation Wall next to Alfei Menashe Hollow Land: Israel’s Architecture of Occupation

The judge criticized the Civil Administration, and went beyond this point while justifying his verdict. He claimed that probably, GRA was a straw-company designed to clean the clearly illegal purchase for the second company. This “company-chaining” (as the process is known in Hebrew, “shirshur habarot”) is the favorite tactic used by “Amana,” the real-estate organization of the Yesha Council, the settler main political organization. Zionists have an unmatched capability to shoot their own foot from any angle and distance, regardless the weapon used. Isn’t that so, General Dayan?
*The United Nations Security Council, the International Court of Justice, and most countries (Israel being the obvious exception) agree that the Fourth Geneva Convention applies to the West Bank. This Convention prevents an occupying power from transferring its own population into occupied territory. Thus, settlements and outposts are both illegal under international law; under Israeli law settlements are legal and outposts are illegal. Yet, the Israeli government supports both, violating its own laws.


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Roi Tov is a graduate—among others—of Tel Aviv University and the Weizmann Institute of Science. In addition to his memoir, Tov is published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Molecular Physics and other scientific journals. He won various travel writing and photography awards. In his writings, he tries to reveal life in Israel as a Christian Israel Defense Force (IDF) officer—from human rights violations to the use of an extensive network of underground agents. He was recognized first as a refugee and subsequently as political prisoner of Bolivia.